The State of Membership and Contribution: An Update

23 10 2009

Dear Friends and Colleagues,

Please be informed that, as of 23 October 2009, the following Zanzibaris have formally registered as members by duly filling in the application forms and paid up their annual subscription fees plus voluntary contributions to the Institute:


1. Mr. Muhammad Yussuf 400,000.00
2. Ms. Angelika Sepetu 13,500.00
3. Ms. Fatma Gharib Bilal 150.000.00
4. Mr. Abdulla Ghassani 100.000.00
5. Mr. Mohamed Khamis Baucha 100,000.00
6. Mr. Nassor Mugheiry 52,000.00
7. Ms. Mariam Mohammed Hamdani 50,000.00
8. Mr. Jumbe Said Ibrahim 50,000.00
9. Mr. Mbarouk Shaaban 50,000.00
10. Ms. Asha Abdulla 50,000.00
11 Mr. Ahmed Khamis 50,000.00
12. Mr. J. V. Karim 40,000.00
13. Mr. Farouk Karim 15,000.00
14. Mr. Shaaban Mgambo 15,000.00
15. Mr. Khamis Abdulla Ameir 15,000.00
16. Mr. Sheraly Champsi 13,500.00
17. Ms. Mwanaache Mohamed Haji 1,000.00
18. Ms. Zulekha Chully Ramadhan 13,500.00
19. Mr. Hafidh Ismail Omar 1,000.00
20. Mr. Nassor Ali Iddi 13,500.00
21. Mr. Abdulrahaman Muhammad Masoud 1,000.00
22. Ms. Alya Sened 13,500.00
23. Mr. Haji Machano Haji 13,500.00
24. Mrs. Maheba Juma Bakari 15,000.00
25. Dr. Mayasa Salum Ally 15,000.00
26. Mr. Bakar Juma Bakar 20,000.00
27. Mr. Bushiri Mahmoud Rajab 13,500.00
28. Mr. Abdulla Maulid 13,500.00
29. Mr. Narendra Gajjar 30,000.00
30. Mr. Mohammed Fakih Mohammed 50,000.00
31. Mr. Othman S. Khatib 20,000.00
32. Mr. Said Makka 63,500.00
33. Mr. Khamis Kombo Songoro 30,000.00
34. Mr. Abdillahi Yussuf 15,000.00
35. Mr. Marumbo Hussein Bakari 15,000.00
36. Mr. Mwinchande Sheha Khamis 13,500.00
37. Ms. Hindi Said Shindano 15,000.00
38. Ms. Salma Hamoud Said 15,000.00
39. Mr. Mohammed Khamid Hamad 15,000.00
40. Mr. Ally Saleh Abdullah 15,000.00
41. Mr. Farook Ahmed Elias 50,000.00
42. Ms. Kulthum Yussuf Himidi 20,000.00
43. Mr. Aboud Talib Aboud 14,000.00
44. Mr. Mkwale Adam Taib 14,000.00
45. Mr. Abbas Fadhil Abbas 14,000.00
46. Mr. Abdulla Muhiddin Jaha 15,000.00
47. Mr. Hamid Ramadhan Tiptip 15,000.00
48. Mr. John Doe 20,000.00
49. Mr. Hamza Zubeir Rijal 13,500.00
50. Ms. Mwantanga Ame 15,000.00
51. Prof. Ali Seif Mshimba 16,000.00
52. Mr. Juma Duni Haji 20,000.00
53. Mr. Ismail Jussa Ladhu 30,000.00
54. Dr. Malick Abdulla Juma 15,000.00
55. Ms. Hawra Mohammed Shamte 13,500.00
56. Mr. Abdulwakil Hafidh 20,000.00
57. Mr. Walid Fikirini 20,000.00
58. Prof. Abdul Sheriff 20,000.00
59. Mr. John Doe One 50,000.00
60. Ms. Talha Abdulla Ameir 15,000.00
61. Dr. Juma A. Muchi 15,000.00
62. Mr. Ally S. M. Mwinyikai 20,000.00
63. Mr. Murad Akbarally Vellani 13,500.00
64. Mr. Rafii Makame 15,000.00
65. Dr. Faiza Kassim Suleiman 50,000.00
66. Mr. Abdulsamad Mattar 50,000.00
67. Mr. Othman M. Othman 50,000.00
68. Mr. Abdulla Wazir 15,000.00
69. Ms. Rukiya Abdul Wadoud 500,000.00
70. Mr. Msellem K. Msellem 50,000.00
71. Mr. Iss-Haq Ismail Shariff 13,500.00

The following members have paid up their annual fees and voluntary contributions in US Dollars:


1. Dr. Omar Juma Khatib 200.00
2. Dr. Mohamed Adam 150.00
3. Mr. Mohammed Saleh 145.00
4. Dr. Muhammad Juma 135.00
5. Ms.Talha Muhammad Yussuf 150.00
6. Dr. Hassan Omar Ali 154.00
7. Dr. Harith Ghassany 154.00
8. Amb. Ali A. Karume 140.00
9. Sheikh Abdulla Al-Harthy 100.00
10. Mr. Mohammed Mwinyi Khamis 100.00
11. Ms. Asia Abdulla Ameir 20.00
12. Ms. Widadi Abdulla Mohammed 20.00
13. Mrs. Zakia M. Yussuf 100.00
14. Mr. Amin Ibrahim Ally 135.00
15. Ms. Salha Mohammed Hamdani 150.00
16. Ms. Nour Saleh 150.00
17. Mr. John Doe Two 2,000.00
18. Mr. Ali Mohd Yahya 250.00

I wish to take this opportunity to express, on behalf of the Institute, our sincere thanks and gratitude to all these men and women for filling in the application forms and paid up their annual contributions in full and on time. We are also grateful for those who made additional payments in the form of voluntary contributions to the Institute for their generosity. Indeed, this is a vivid manifestation of their unflinching commitment to the work and ideals of the Institute for which we are highly appreciative.

Finally, we would like to take this opportunity to urge all those Zanzibaris (and non Zanzibaris alike) who have not yet filled in the application forms to do so as soon as possible. Your invaluable contributions to the Institute will be highly appreciated.

Thanking you in advance for your continued support and understanding.


Whither Union?

23 10 2009

By Professor Haroub Othman

Since the 1920s the countries of East Africa, namely Kenya, Tanganyika, Uganda and Zanzibar, had developed common services and joint institutions. Matters such as posts and telecommunications, harbours, railways and currency were run jointly. There was also a body to coordinate the development of Kiswahili. This, no doubt, was easy in view of the fact that all the four countries were neighbours and under one colonial power. The white settlers in Kenya had at one time pressed the British Government for a federation of the East African countries on the liens of that of Central Africa. But people in Tanganyika and Uganda feared that if that was to happen it would throw their countries into the hands of white supremacists in Kenya, in the same way that the peoples of Central Africa found themselves under the white supremacists of Southern Rhodesia at the time of the Central African Federation. And so this idea was opposed at the time.

But, as the countries were approaching independence; and because of the close cooperation among the nationalist organizations, the idea of federation re-emerged. Nyerere, in a statement made in Addis Ababa when Tanganyika’s independence was imminent, said that he was prepared to delay his country’s independence if the four countries of East Africa could come to independence at the same time and form a federation. But with independence each country retreated into its own national shell, and what was agreed was the formation of the East African Common Services Organisation that later in December 1967 was transformed into the East African Community.

When, therefore, on 26th April 1964, the People’s Republic of Zanzibar and the Republic of Tanganyika announced that they had merged to form a Union, the International Community felt that Zanzibar and Tanganyika had succeeded where the four East African countries together had failed. But was it the ideals of Pan-Africanism that brought Zanzibar and Tanganyika together? Was the Union the result of an African initiative or was it propelled by cold war rivalry? The circumstances in which the Union was formed raised a lot of questions, many of which are still unanswered, and some have been at the centre of continuing debates and controversies in Tanzania in the last twenty years. Were the fears of ZNP that Zanzibar would be ‘taken over’ by Tanganyika had been proven true? In later years, the Union was to haunt the Zanzibar politicians for a long time, with each of them playing the “Union card” either for legitimacy on the Mainland or for support at home.

Nyerere stated that he casually proposed the idea of the Union to Karume when the latter visited him to discuss the fate of John Okello. According to Nyerere, Karume immediately agreed to the idea and suggested that Nyerere should be the President of such a Union. In a New Year message to the Nation on 2 January 1965, Nyerere implied that even if the ASP had come into power through constitutional means and not as a result of a revolution, the Union would still have taken place. But Amrit Wilson’s research has revealed that there was a very strong Western pressure, especially from the United States, for the Zanzibar Revolution to be contained because it was felt that it held the threat of the spread of communism in the East African region. The Untied States, Britain and the then West Germany, which Tanganyika was heavily dependent on at the time, viewed the revolutionary government in Zanzibar as either a surrogate of the communist powers or dancing to their tune. The international press had already started to characterize Zanzibar as the ‘Cuba of Africa’, though to be fair to Duggan, he had referred to Zanzibar as “Tanganyika’s Cuba” far back in July 1963 when he had interviewed Nyerere in Washington during the latter’s state visit to the US.

In a cable message to US embassies in Dar es Salaam, Nairobi and Kampala, the US Secretary of State Dean Rusk instructed his diplomats to urge Nyerere, Kenyatta and Obote to explain to Karume the dangers involved in his dependence on Babu and the danger Babu represents to the security of Zanzibar and East Africa generally… they should recognize here that the big problem is that Karume himself has great confidence in and dependence on Babu… also that Nyerere has said that Karume needs Babu who, despite his background, can and must be worked with. Kenyatta and Joseph Murumbi on the other hand appear to regard Babu as undesirable and the chief threat to Karume. Would it be useful to raise with Nyerere, despite his previous objection, the idea of a Zanzibar-Tanganyika Federation as a possible way of strengthening Karume and reducing Babu’s influence? Such action at this time may also help Nyerere’s own position.

In an interview with Amrit Wilson in 1986, Frank Carlucci, the US Consul in Zanzibar at the time of the Union who was later thrown out of Zanzibar because of CIA activities (and who later rose to become the Director of CIA and US Secretary of State for Defence), confessed that there was United States’ pressure on Nyerere. Susan Crouch in her book “Western Responses to Tanzanian Socialism 1967-1983” reveals that:

“To this end the American Central Intelligence Agency was active in trying to create the conditions for union, fanning antagonisms among Zanzibar’s revolutionary leaders, and creating a fear of Zanzibar as a communist threat among East African leaders”.

Was the Union then, as is indicated in U.S. State Department papers, dictated by cold war considerations first and the questions of Pan-African ideals of unity were secondary to ideological factors and questions of personal survival? It has also been suggested that Karume wanted a Union with Tanganyika as a means of warding off his Marxist and Left wing colleagues. What seems to be the case is that after the electoral defeat of July 1963, Karume’s leadership within the ASP parliamentary group was shaky. There was a schism in it, with Karume being challenged by Othman Shariff, and some of the party’s MPs calling for a government of national unity that would bring together in government all the political parties in parliament. After the revolution, Umma Party radical elements in the government (Babu, Khamis Abdalla Ameir, Ali Sultan Issa, Ali Mahfoudh, Salim Rashid, Badawi Qullatein, etc) were forging links with the ASP leftists (Abdallah Kassim Hanga. Abdulazizi Ali Twala, Hassan Nassor Moyo, etc.), and this might have scared Karume and other moderate elements within the regime.

At the same time, the radical way in which the revolution was surging ahead might have alarmed the regime in Dar es Salaam. It should not be forgotten that within days of the revolution in Zanzibar, an army mutiny took place in Tanganyika (later repeated in Kenya and Uganda); and even though we know now that there was no link between the revolution and those mutinies, it was difficult to see it that way at the time. As a result of the army mutiny in Dar es Salaam, Tabora and Nachingwea, there was virtually no government in Tanganyika for three days, anarchy prevailed, and Nyerere was forced to request British military intervention to bring the country back to normalcy.

The West, particularly the Untied States, perceived developments in Zanzibar in the context of East-West rivalry, and given the leftist credentials of the Umma Party and some of the ASP leaders that were prominent in the Revolutionary Council, it was assumed that a Cuba-type situation was evolving. The best way of averting it, short of direct military intervention a la Playa Giron (though this was thought of and preparations made), was to try an “African initiative’. And it worked.

Legitimacy of the Union: The ‘Absence’ of the Attorney-General and the Question of a Referendum

Many questions continued to be raised regarding the legal basis of the Union: whether the two Presidents on their own had the powers to sign such a Union Agreement; why the Zanzibar’s Attorney-General, as the principal legal advisor to the government, was not consulted; why there was no referendum; and whether in joining such a union, Zanzibar was not in fact ‘swallowed’ and ‘annexed’ by Tanganyika.

Discussions on the union were conducted very secretively. From the archival materials and the statements of those who were in the ‘corridors of power’ at the time, it would appear that not many people in the Tanganyika government or the Zanzibar Revolutionary Council knew what was happening. Apart from Nyerere and Karume, the only other people who might have been privy to those discussions were Rashidi Kawawa, Oscar Kambona, Job Lusinde, Abdallah Kassim Hanga, Abdul-Aziz Ali Twala and Salim Rashidi.

When these discussions were at an advanced stage, Nyerere is said to have called in his Attorney-General at the time, British expert Roland Brown, and asked him to draft a Union Agreement without anybody knowing. In the case of Zanzibar, the Attorney-General, Wolf Dourado, is said to have been sent on a one-week ‘leave’ and instead a Ugandan lawyer, Dan Nabudere (according to his own account which was corroborated by Babu), was brought in to advise Karume on the draft submitted by Tanganyika. Both Brown and Nabudere were present in the Karume-Nyerere discussions. One can speculate that one reason why Dourado was not involved was because he was ‘inherited’ from the previous ZNP/ZPPP regime and the revolutionary government was hesitant to involve him in such a sensitive matter.

Under both the 1962 Republic of Tanganyika Constitution and the Zanzibar Presidential Decree No.5 quoted above, the two Presidents had the powers to enter into international agreements on behalf of their governments. What is also important is that the Union Agreement was ratified by both the Tanganyika Parliament and the Zanzibar Revolutionary Council. Contrary to what some writers have said, the Nyalali Commission was satisfied that the Revolutionary Council met to ratify the ‘Articles of Union’. Both Abdulrahman Babu and Khamis Abdallah Ameir, the two former Umma Party leaders who were in the Revolutionary Council at the time, have confirmed that the matter was discussed in the Council, and while there were reservations on the part of some members, these were ‘quashed’ by Abdallah Kassim Hanga who made an emotional intervention to support the Union.

Once the ‘Articles of Union’ have been ratified by the two legislative bodies in Tanganyika and Zanzibar, there was no further requirement in law to make them enforceable. The question of referendum would not have arisen because under the Commonwealth legal tradition, in which the two countries were brought up, the notion of a referendum was unknown. The referendum was introduced as a legal requirement under British law in the 1970s during the heated debate in the United Kingdom on the question of its entry into the European Economic Community. To have also expected the Zanzibar revolutionary government to call a referendum on the Union, four months after it came into power through unconstitutional means, was like expecting the French revolutionaries of 1789 to have invited King Louis XVI for dinner after they had overthrown him. Should ASP have conducted a referendum to ask Zanzibaris whether or not to stage a revolution? In law, therefore, the Union Agreement, as both Prof Issa Shivji and Dr Kabudi have pointed out, is valid.

Articles of Union: 1 + 1 = 3

The Union Agreement, signed by Karume and Nyerere in Zanzibar on 22 April 1964, is known as the ‘Articles of Union’. When this agreement was announced the following day many people inside the two countries, and outside too, were taken by surprise. The strong feeling was that the West had won in their intention to containing the Zanzibar Revolution; in fact there were military preparations by both Britain and the United States in case there was a violent reaction in Zanzibar against the Union. What the Tanganyika leadership wanted at the time was to play down the whole event. In a cable message of 23 April 1964 to the U.S. Secretary of State, the U.S. Ambassador in Dar es Salaam, William Leonhart, informed:

Mbwambo, Chief protocol, has just telephoned a personal request that, to the maximum extent, any US public statements on Tanganyika government –Zanzibar union be avoided. Situation over the next few days in Zanzibar could be very critical and both the Soviet and Chinese reaction is undetermined.

In an address later to the National Assembly requesting the ratification of the ‘Articles of Union’, Nyerere insisted that the move was inspired by the ideals for an African unity. “Unity in our continent does not have to come via Moscow or Washington”, he insisted.

The ‘Articles of Union’ have been given different interpretations and characterised as federal, quasi-federal, an interim arrangement towards one government, etc. Some have seen the Union as similar to the relationship between the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland.

Those who were close to the scene at the time also differ as to what type of relationship it is. The U.S. Ambassador in Dar es Salaam, in a cable message to his government on 22nd April, 1964, the day the ‘Articles of Union’ were signed by Karume and Nyerere, stated:

“Like the relationship between Northern Ireland and Britain, the union of Zanzibar and Tanganyika gave the island limited regional administrative autonomy … but ensured overall power … was held by the centre at Dar es Salaam”. But Frank Calucci, reporting from Zanzibar the next day, said that Karume was “still under the impression that he is agreeing to a federation of two autonomous states, not a centralised union envisaged under the present articles”. Attwood, the U.S. Ambassador in Kenya at the time, says he was informed by Dustan Omari, Nyerere’s Permanent Secretary then, “that the major power would rest in the centre … but that Zanzibar would retain its own internal governmental affairs”

While I have difficulty in accepting some of the assertions of some of the writers on the character of the Union for reasons that I will advance later, I would only want to agree with the notion that the ‘Articles of Union’ are the Grundnorm, the fundamental law of the United Republic, on which the Constitutions of Tanzania and Zanzibar, and other laws, have to be based and from which they derive their legitimacy. Like any supreme law in any other legal system, no other law or constitutional act can be in conflict with it. ‘Articles of Union’ provide for matters that would be under the Union arrangement. From the original 11 items in 1964, the list has now expanded to 23. Some people question the validity of such an expansion, though one must admit that there was nothing that was added into the list unconstitutionally. The ‘Articles of Union’ also provide for the existence of two governments: One for the whole Untied Republic for all Union matters and for non-Union matters in Tanganyika, which, under the 1977 Union Constitution is referred to as Tanzania Mainland, and one for Zanzibar in all matters that are non-Union. According to Nyerere, Karume wanted a total union, but he (Nyerere) cautioned against it, saying that such a move might be construed by Zanzibaris and others as meaning that Zanzibar had been swallowed up, annexed, incorporated into or taken over by Tanganyika. He insisted that Zanzibar’s identity must be maintained.

There is no way one can construe the ‘Article of Union’ as a basis for a federal set-up. Nor can they be seen as an interim arrangement towards a one government. They intended to create a single state with two authorities, but with one of those authorities having a limited geographical jurisdiction. The intention was to retain the identity of the smaller unit. By this event, Tanganyika has not been lost; in fact it has been enlarged. Even if it is accepted that the Union was a Western conspiracy against the Zanzibar Revolution, the effect of the intention was to deny Zanzibar the capacity to be an international actor, not to interfere with what was happening inside the country. To be able to change the internal course of events would have entailed changing the regime. What might have confounded some of the law experts looking at the relationship between Zanzibar and Mainland Tanzania was the fact that no such example existed in the Anglo-Saxon legal system. The closest they could think of then was that of the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland.

The Consolidation of the Union: Popular Approval of the ‘Swallowing Up’

At the time of the Union, Zanzibar and Tanganyika were ruled by different political parties, ASP and TANU respectively. The ‘Articles of Union’ did not require the formation of a single political party for the whole United Republic. Thus in the period 1964-1977 each party operated within its own geographical area, though at the approach of every general election, the two parties held a joint congress where they nominated a join presidential candidate for the elections. Only in 1977, after a national survey of members of both parties, did the two parties merge to form the Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) with authority over the whole country. But why did Zanzibaris agree to such a merger? Nyerere had always expressed surprise when recalling the radiant faces he saw and the jovial mood of the Zanzibaris the day CCM was proclaimed at the Amaan Stadium in Zanzibar. The fact is that Zanzibaris were celebrating not only the birth of CCM but also the demise of ASP. By that time the general feeling in the islands was that the ASP had outlived its usefulness. The revolution which it had championed had stooped so low as to devour its own sons: most of the leaders were busy amassing wealth; prison and death were the only options open to political dissent; and political thugery was a virtue.

One matter that was added in 1984 to the list of Union items was that of national security. This happened at the time when Ali Hassan Mwinyi was President and Seif Shariff Hamad the Chief Minister of Zanzibar in 1984-85, commonly known as the Third Phase Government. Not having much confidence in the security personnel they inherited, who might have had personal allegiance to Jumbe and Seif Bakari, the new Administration sought the extension of the National Security Act of the Mainland to Zanzibar. In that case it was possible to transfer the security personnel in Zanzibar to the Mainland and vice versa. So from the above one can see the following:

First, Zanzibaris wanted a merger of the parties, and for the united party to have authority all over the country, in the hope that it would rescue them from a regime that was no longer able to inspire confidence and instil enthusiasm; and second, a ‘consolidation’ of the Union in this regard was necessary for one faction of the leadership to ward off any possible challenge by the other.

The long-term effect of the parties’ merger was to have matters that were entirely within Zanzibar’s jurisdiction, and that were not Union matters, decided by a pan-territorial political party where Zanzibari representation was not decisive. This became clear in 1984 when Aboud Jumbe was forced to resign as Zanzibar President: it was the party’s NEC which appointed Ali Hassan Mwinyi as an Interim President and later nominated him for election as the President of Zanzibar. Since NEC’s Zanzibari membership is no more than a third of the total, this means therefore that a Zanzibar President could be chosen by a forum, which is predominantly non-Zanzibari. And this was further evidenced with the nomination by CCM’s NEC of the present President of Zanzibar. A number of other measures were taken to consolidate the Union, particularly in the constitutional realm. A permanent constitution was put in place in 1977 instead of an interim one that had been in existence since 1964.


In the ‘Articles of Union’, Zanzibar is allowed to retain its autonomy and pursue its own policies in all matters other than those stipulated as Union matters. In

this case, the power to decide is left to the Zanzibar organs such as the House of Representatives, the Revolutionary Council and the President of Zanzibar and Chairman of the Revolutionary Council. The Union Constitution stipulates that constitutional amendments require the approval of two-thirds of Zanzibaris sitting in the Union Parliament and the same proportion of Mainlanders.

In order to avoid a clash in the legislative functions of the two sides of the Union, it has been provided that if the House of Representatives enacts any law which should be under the jurisdiction of the Union Parliament that law will be null and void, and also if the Union Parliament enacts a law on any matter under the jurisdiction of the House of Representatives that law will be null and void.

The Constitution also provides for effective Zanzibari representation in the Union Parliament. It also guarantees a separate judiciary system for Zanzibar which has jurisdiction over Zanzibar alone. Even though the Court of Appeal of the United Republic is a Union organ, it has no power to decide on a case involving a dispute between the Union Government and the Zanzibar Revolutionary Government.

However one might view the circumstances that made Zanzibar merge with Tanganyika in 1964, the fact of the matter is that Zanzibar was not annexed or forcefully incorporated. It agreed on the Union out of its own free will and as a result of decisions made by its own organs. The argument that within the Union Tanganyika has lost its identity has no basis. If anything it has enlarged its territory. It is Zanzibar’s autonomy and identity that must be maintained lest, as Nyerere himself has pointed out several times, an impression is created that the larger and more populous Tanganyika has swallowed Zanzibar. Such a situation is not new even in the most centralized states. In China, despite the fact that the country has a centralized authority and no federal traces of any kind, yet because of certain historical, political or cultural reasons, certain areas are conferred autonomy, and are constitutionally given the status of autonomous regions. As will be pointed out later there are entities in present-day Europe that enjoy full autonomy within one state. To entertain the thought that the ‘Articles of Union’ are a temporary arrangement, and that ultimately the intention should be to create one government is to manifest ‘big brother chauvinism’.


In 1983/84 and 1990/92 extensive political and constitutional debates took place in the country that deeply probed the question of the Union. The debates of 1983/84 resulted in major amendments to the 1977 Union Constitution and the formulation of a new Zanzibar Constitution in 1984. But they also resulted in the forced resignation of Aboud Jumbe from all his state and party positions, the sacking of a Zanzibar Chief Minister and the serious warning given by the ruling party to a number of prominent Zanzibar figures. The debates of the 1990/92 period resulted in the Nyalali Commission making major recommendations on the structure of the Union. In between the two periods also another Zanzibar Chief Minister was sacked, and several leading Zanzibar politicians were dismissed form the ruling party.

As stated above, the question of Zanzibar being ‘sold’ to the Mainland was an issue in pre-revolutionary Zanzibar. And if one remembers that the political parties were almost evenly divided, then one can assume that almost half of the Zanzibar population was already biased against the Mainland even before the Union. The post-revolution politics in the islands did not help matters much. Karume went into a Union to save himself from his Marxist and Left-wing colleagues; and since Jumbe was not considered to be the ‘heir apparent’ before Karume’s assassination in 1972, he was not thought of as the natural successor when he took over. It has been speculated that the Revolutionary Council had Col. Seif Bakari in mind, but Nyerere advised that since Karume was killed by an army officer, Seif Bakari taking over might be construed as a military coup. Jumbe, feeling that he had not much support within the Revolutionary Council, depended very much on Nyerere’s and Mainland’s

support. It is no wonder then that it was during his presidency that much of the consolidation of the Union took place, with the most items added to the Union list. It is significant too that the merger of the parties took place then. But this dependency on the Mainland was costing him much popular support at home. Either as a way of outflanking his opponents or because of genuine problems he found in the Union (after all he was for a long time a Minister for Union Affairs before he became President of Zanzibar), he first raised the question of restructuring the Union in a speech seven years before the 1983/84 debates.

Other politicians in Zanzibar too have used the Mainland as a trump card either to crush their opponents or to climb the political ladder. Seif Shariff Hamad, Khatib Hassan, Shaaban Mloo and others accused Jumbe in 1984 of planning to break up the Union, and thus forced Jumbe to resign from his political posts then. They in turn faced the same accusation from their opponents in 1988 and were dismissed from the party. The issues that were raised in both the 1983/84 and 1990/92 debates centred on the following:

1. Whether the ‘Articles of Union’ of 1964 provided for a federation, that is three governments (one of Tanganyika, the other of Zanzibar, and a third a federal one) or only two governments as presently existing;

2. As the Union Government is also the government for the Mainland in non-Union matters, does this not give the impression that Mainland is the Union?

3. Does Zanzibar get a fair share in the distribution of benefits coming form the Union?

4. Is Zanzibar well represented in the diplomatic service?

5. Does it get a fair share of foreign aid coming to Tanzania?

6. Since the people of Zanzibar were not consulted at the time of the formation of the Union, should there not be a referendum now to ascertain whether the people wanted the Union or not?

Most of these questions, as can be seen, were coming from Zanzibar, and what surprised many people at the time of the 1983/84 debate, was that they were being aired in the state-owned-and-controlled official mass media. No such strong feelings were voiced on the Mainland during the debates. Many people who made submissions to the Nyalali Commission said hardly anything about the system of governments that the Union should have. It was only after the opening up of the political system and the establishment of more political parties that one began hearing very strong views coming form the Mainland on the question of the Union; some of those going even further than anybody in Zanzibar had ever contemplated.


One of the major recommendations of the Nyalali Commission was for the replacement of the present Union set-up with a federal one. This was one of the areas that bought about a very heated debate within the Commission and which necessitated members of the Commission having to vote. Later those who were opposed to the federal idea had to append their own Dissenting Opinion to the main report to explain their position. But the division in the Commission on this issue almost came to a Mainland/Zanzibar division.

Of the 11 members from Zanzibar, 7 wanted the present Union set-up, with some major changes, to remain; 3 wanted a federal and 1 was undecided. Of the same number from the Mainland, 9 wanted a federal set-up and 2 wanted the present arrangement to continue. What is important is that both sides agreed that there were problems within the Union. Even though at the time the complaints from the Mainland were not so loud compared to Zanzibar, it would have been wise if those complaints were addressed and resolved. The majority of members of the Commission felt that in a federal set-up, both Tanganyika and Zanzibar would retain their identity, federal areas would be clearly defined and the responsibilities of each would be understood, and the federal entity would be distinct from the national ones.

Those holding the minority opinion, on the other hand, were of the view that there was nothing in the ‘Articles of Union’ to suggest that their framers had a federal set-up in mind; that a federation would be a step backward and might be a prelude to the dissolution of the Union; that corrective measures could be taken, if there is political will, which would define Union matters, list Union institutions and apportion the responsibility of each side on those matters. Examples were provided from the two Scandinavian countries of Denmark and Finland where entities (Faroe Islands, Aaland Islands and Greenland) have full autonomy in a number of areas that they exercise within a non-federal state. The Dissenting Opinion in the Nyalali Report pointed out:

•Greenland and Faroe Islands, both of which are part of Denmark, have full autonomy in many matters. For example, a parliament that is not subject to interference form the central government of Denmark, and all political and economic matters agreed upon and even in international relations. The islands of Faroe have their own flag hoisted in all government buildings and on ships registered in Faroe Islands. Also Faroe Islands authority issues passports;

•Denmark had agreed to join the European Economic Community. So did Greenland. But later, Greenland withdrew from the Community. Therefore, all EEC agreements and conditionality accepted in Denmark did not apply in Greenland. Similarly, the Islands of Faroe are not a member of the EU.

•In regard to Finland, the islands of Aaland have their own parliament and government. The islands of Aaland also have their own ‘identity’ for persons born in the islands and who have not lived abroad consecutively for five years or more. The islands have their own flag, issue their own stamps and its citizens are not subject to military service. The islands of Aaland are a demilitarized zone. The Central Bank of Finland must consult the government of Aaland before it takes measures that might harm the economy of Aaland. This, despite the fact that they share a common currency;

•The islands of Aaland, as is the case for Greenland and Faroe, are, on their own right, represented in the Nordic Council that consists of Denmark, Finland, Sweden, Norway and Iceland.


As pointed out above, there have been historical links between Zanzibar and Tanganyika long before the coming of the colonialists in East Africa; and colonialism did not in fact stop such interactions from continuing. During the struggle for national independence, the two main political parties in the two countries cooperated though there is nothing to suggest that the two parties were thinking of merging into a Union of this kind after they came into power. What they had in mind was to form a federation with Kenya and Uganda. Until the elections of July 1963, ASP still thought that it would win power through the electoral process; and it would appear that their main supporters, TANU, thought likewise.

Now the Union is a fact. Despite a lot of problems, it has brought stability and peace in the region. It is difficult to speculate what would have happened to the Zanzibar Revolution without the Union: whether Zanzibar would have advanced faster or whether a counter-revolutionary force would have taken over and embellished a dictatorship worse than anything the islands have actually experienced especially during the first phase government. What is clear though is that the Union has brought the two peoples much closer together.

I do not believe that the unity of the two peoples can be strengthened by restructuring the present set-up into a federation. I see movement from the present set-up to a federation as a step towards the dismemberment of the Union; and I do not think that that is to the short or long term benefit of the people of Tanzania. The present problems can be resolved if there is a strong political will on the part of our political class and if the people are told the truth about those problems.

Only when corrective measures are taken, would it be possible to sustain and strengthen the Union. Otherwise, if the difficulties inherent in the ‘Articles of Union’ and the problems arising from implementation are only emphasized and not resolved, the tendency would be towards the withering away of the Union.

In this era of multi-partism and openness, it is even more important that matters are discussed and solutions founded on popular will. Of all the political parties that have been established since the abolition of the one-party system, only one, the Democratic Party led by Rev. Mtikila, has come out strongly against the Union and called for its dissolution. Others are prevaricating between ‘referendum’, ‘federation’ and modifications within the present set-up. The CCM and its governments which seemed earlier on to strongly accept the Dissenting Opinion in the Nyalali Report, now seems to be torn apart, with a strong group calling for a federal set-up.

The national language, the ethics of equality and human dignity, and the Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar are what overcame the ethnic hatred, religious bigotry, regional parochialism and national differences and forged national cohesion and unity. It is these that have made Tanzania an example in a continent beset with secessionism, ethnic violence and religious pogroms. One hopes that there is capacity, honesty and patriotism within Tanzania that will look beyond the sectarian interests. The alternative is too horrendous to contemplate.

ZIRPP visit to ZIFA

22 10 2009

In our continued efforts towards forging closer cooperation with other institutions of higher learning in Zanzibar, on 1 October 2009, the Interim Executive Director, Mr. Muhammad Yussuf, paid a courtesy call on Mr. Kamal Kombo Bakari, the Principal of the Zanzibar Institute for Financial Administration (ZIFA) at Chwaka. Among other important issues, Mr. Yussuf appraised the Principal of ZIFA on the aims and objectives of the newly established ZIRPP and expressed the hope that the two entities would resolve to forge closer cooperation between them for mutual benefit and specifically so in the areas of research and ICT.

In his response, Mr. Bakari expressed his sincere thanks and gratitude to Mr. Yussuf for finding the time to visit ZIFA despite his busy schedule. He further assured the Interim Executive Director that ZIFA would do everything in its power to ensure that the two entities would cooperate in all matters of mutual interest and benefit. He expressed the hope that the two Institutes would be able, at the appropriate time, to sign a Memorandum of Understanding for continued and meaningful cooperation between them.

During this visit, Mr. Yussuf was accompanied by Mr. Jumbe Said Ibrahim, the Interim Financial Manager.

Nafasi ya Kiswahili katika Ulimwengu wa Utandawazi

22 10 2009

Na Abeid Poyo

PAMOJA na baadhi ya watu kuibeza lugha ya Kiswahili, harakati za wadau kuikuza lugha hiyo kitaifa na kimataifa zimepamba moto. Kitivo cha Sanaa na Sayansi za Jamii cha Chuo Kikuu Huria Tanzania kimeongeza idadi ya watetezi wa Kiswahili wanaoamini lugha hiyo inakidhi mahitaji ya kitaaluma na kimawasiliano ndani na nje ya Tanzania.

Mwezi ujao, kitivo hicho kupitia idara yake ya Lugha na Fasihi kimeandaa Tamasha la Sauti za Kiswahili (Tasaki) ambalo pamoja na mambo mengine linalenga kutoa fursa ya kumulika na kutafakari mabadiliko na maendeleo ya Kiswahili katika dunia ya utandawazi ili kuleta uhuru na maendeleo ya kweli. Wasomi wa lugha wanaeleza kuwa lugha ya Kiswahili ni miongoni mwa rasilimali wanazoweza kutumia Watanzania ili kufikia maendeleo ya kweli.

Hata hivyo, mfumo mpya wa kimaisha ujulikanao kwa jina la utandawazi umekuja na upepo mkali ambao kama juhudi za makusudi hazitochukuliwa, upo uwezekano wa Kiswahili kuzolewa na kutupwa baharini na upepo huo. Ili kukumbatia lugha na utamaduni wetu, yatupasa kujenga ukuta imara ambao hautatikisika kwa upepo wa utandawazi. Ukuta huo basi ndio Tasaki ya Chuo Kikuu Huria. Kupitia Tasaki sauti ya Kiswahili itasikika ndani ya nchi, Afrika Mashariki, Afrika na ulimwenguni kote; anabainisha Mwenyekiti wa Tamasha Hadija Jilala.

Jilala na hata wenzake waliobuni wazo la tamasha, moja ya sauti muhimu za Kiswahili zinazopaswa kupazwa hewani na bila shaka kutiliwa maanani na jamii, ni ukweli kuwa lugha hiyo kwa sasa ina sifa ya kutumika kitaaluma shuleni na hata vyuoni. Kuna kasumba imejengeka kuwa hatuwezi kwenda mbele bila Kiingereza au huwezi kuwa umesoma bila kujua Kiingereza. Kuna nchi kama Japan zimeendelea kwa kutumia lugha zao, anaonyesha udhaifu wa hoja ya wanaokipinga Kiswahili kutumika kama lugha ya kufundishia.

Wapo wanaosema Kiswahili hakijitoshelezi kimsamiati. Tunataka tuwatumie wanafunzi katika madaraja mbalimbali kama sekondari na vyuo vikuu kuthibitisha namna wanavyoweza kuitumia lugha hii na ikatumika shuleni kama lugha ya kufundishia, anafafanua zaidi. Anasema kuwa laiti Watanzania wangejua thamani ya Kiswahili, wangejivunia nayo badala ya kushabikia lugha za kigeni hususan Kiingereza ambayo kwa hali ilivyo imeshawafanya kuwa watumwa wa utamaduni wake.

Ukweli wa mambo kwa sasa ni kuwa Kiswahili kinachobezwa na baadhi ya watu wenye mitazamo na kasumba za kikoloni tayari kimeshavuka mipaka ya kitaifa. Ni lugha inayoshuhudia mageuzi na kupiga hatua kubwa katika nchi kadhaa duniani. Watu wengi wanajifunza Kiswahili na vyuo vingi vikiifundisha lugha hiyo; kujivunia lugha yetu na utamaduni wake, tuipe nafasi na dhima maalum katika Nyanja zote za elimu, siasa, uchumi na utamaduni, anaeleza.

Kwa mujibu wa Jilala, tamasha hilo la wiki moja la kitaaluma na burudani linalochagizwa na kauli mbiu ya “Nafasi ya Kiswahili katika Ulimwengu wa Utandawazi” linakusudiwa kutangaza, kueneza, kuendeleza na kuinua lugha ya Kiswahili na utamaduni wake ndani ya zama hizi za mfumo wa utandawazi uliotamalaki duniani. Katika wiki ya sauti ya Kiswahili kutafanyika makongamano, mashindano ya uandishi wa kazi za kubuni kwa shule za sekondari, vyuo vikuu na watunzi wasio wanafunzi, anataja baadhi ya shughuli zitakazofanyika katika tamasha.

Anaongeza: “Kutakuwepo maonyesho ya sanaa na utamaduni, mavazi ya Kiswahili, vyakula vya Kiswahili, majigambo, ngoma, taarab, maigizo, utambaji wa hadithi, muziki wa kizazi kipya na ghani za mashairi mbalimbali”.

Jilala anasema nyanja zitakazoguswa katika tamasha kupitia mashindano ya uandishi wa kazi za kubuni au mada za kitaaluma ni pamoja na elimu, demokrasia, utandawazi, siasa, sayansi na teknolojia, utamaduni, mazingira, sheria, jinsia, ajira, ujasiriamali, Ukimwi, unyanyasaji wa kijinsia, watoto wa mitaani na masuala mengineyo ya kijamii.

Chanzo: Mwananchi

Muswada wa kutenga siasa, biashara wagubikwa na utata

19 10 2009

Na Joyce Mmasi

MUSWADA wa maadili ya uongozi itakayotenga siasa, biashara na matumizi ya fedha wakati wa uchaguzi unaotarajia kupelekwa bungeni mwanzoni mwa mwaka ujao, umeonekana kuwa mgumu kutekelezeka kutokana na utata katika utekelezaji baadhi ya vipengele vyake. Sehemu kubwa ya muswada huo unaogusa nafasi ya wafanyabishara katika siasa, pia unawataka wanasiasa pamoja na vyama vyao kutaja viwango vya pesa watakavyotumia katika uchaguzi.

Wiki iliyopita akihutubia maadhimisho ya miaka 10 ya kumbukumbu ya kifo cha Baba wa Taifa Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, Rais Jakaya Kikwete, alisema serikali itahakikisha maadili ya uongozi yanarejeshwa pamoja na kulinda na kudumisha umoja wa kitaifa. Kikwete alisema katika kulinda maadili, serikali imeandaa miswada ya maadili ya uongozi itakayopelekwa bungeni mwanzoni mwa mwaka ujao kuzuia rushwa katika uchaguzi na kuwadhibiti wafanyabiashara ambao wamekuwa wakikimbilia katika siasa ili kujinufaisha kibiashara.

Rais Kikwete alifafanua kwamba, wakati wa Azimio la Arusha, ilikuwa rahisi kwa Mwalimu Nyerere kusimamia maadili ya uongozi, jambo ambalo ni vigumu hivi sasa na akasisitiza ni lazima kuwe na namna ya kusimamia maadili ya uongozi.

Hata hivyo, Waziri wa Nchi Ofisi ya Waziri Mkuu (Bunge na Sera), Philip Marmo, aliliambia Mwananchi Jumapili kuwa muswada utakaojadiliwa utahusu matumizi ya fedha wakati wa uchaguzi. Alifafanua kwamba, muswada huo umebebwa na mambo mengi yakiwemo kudhibiti fedha kutoka kwa wafadhili walioko nje ya nchi. Marmo aliongeza kwamba, katika muswada huo mpya hakuna nia ya kuwabana wafanyabiashara kwa kuwa kwa kufanya hivyo itakuwa ni kuvunja katiba ya nchi.

“Sio kweli kuwa ukiwa mfanyabiashara hutakiwi kugombea nafasi yoyote ya uongozi; kwa kuwa mfanyabiashara haina maana kuwa wewe sio raia wa Tanzania. Tunachozingatia katika muswada huu ni matumizi ya fedha wakati wa uchaguzi ambao utawahusu wabunge wote wa viti maalum, wa kuchaguliwa, vyama vya siasa na wagombea urais,” alisema Marmo.

Akifafanua, Marmo alisema katika muswada huo, mgombea wa nafasi yeyote anapaswa kuweka wazi kiasi cha fedha atakazotumia katika uchaguzi, aeleze kimepatikanaje na endapo ni halali na kwamba endapo mhusika atazidisha kiasi alichoeleza atapaswa kueleza ni kwa nini na alipozipata.

Naye Sadick Mtulya anaripoti kuwa, baadhi ya wabunge kutoka Zanzibar wamesema hatua hiyo ni nzuri lakini inahitaji nia ya dhati ya matendo katika utekelezaji wa sheria hizo. Rais Kikwete ambaye mwanzoni mwa mwaka huu alizungumzia kuhusu viongozi kuchagua siasa ama biashara.

Chanzo: Mwananchi

Zanzibaris seek safety in Somalia

19 10 2009

It is hard to understand why anyone would want to travel 600 miles to seek refuge in Somalia, one of the most dangerous places in the world. Especially if you come from the Tanzanian archipelago of Zanzibar, best known for its tropical beaches lined with coconut-laden palm trees.

But although Somalia has been in almost constant conflict since its central government collapsed in 1991, the capital, Mogadishu, has become a haven for hundreds of refugees from the Zanzibari island of Pemba. The refugees originally left the semi-autonomous Tanzanian islands in 2001 when political riots began between the Tanzanian ruling party and the opposition, the Civic United Front. Several people, including policemen, were killed.

“We first stayed in Kenya,” says Salim Ahmed Khadib, the leader of the Zanzibari community in Mogadishu. “But because of the relationship between Kenya and Tanzania we feared repatriation and decided to go to Somalia, regardless of the risks.”

Making a new life

The Zanzibari residents in Mogadishu say that out of the 192 families living in Somalia, 85 of them are still living in Mogadishu. The rest have gone further north to Puntland or Somaliland, areas which are relatively more peaceful. Most of them work as barbers, while others became carpenters, teachers or fishermen.

But the Zanzibaris living in Mogadishu say that after eight years there, they are still struggling to survive. Unable to find somewhere decent to live, those families remaining in the capital made a disused water purification plant their home. The building is in south Mogadishu in a government-controlled area just one kilometer away from where government soldiers and insurgents are fighting. This is where the Zanzibaris eat, sleep and sometimes try to make money by selling chocolate, sweets or camel milk. Rooms are overcrowded, there is no clean water or sanitation and the smell of rotting vegetables and waste is stifling.

Ali Ja’far, a 42-year-old Zanzibari who stays in one of the rooms with four children and a Somali wife, says he is jobless and cannot afford to feed his family. “There are six of us but we only have one mattress to sleep on, so we put our upper bodies on the mattress and our legs on the ground,” Mr Ja’far says. “This is our fate. This is the way we live,” he says, adding that he wants to return home once there is stability.

‘Forgotten community’

The Zanzibaris say that unlike internally displaced Somalis, they do not receive any help from the aid agencies. “Once we went and asked for their help,” says Rashid Sa’id, one of the Zanzibaris. “They told us to go home but we don’t want to. We are a forgotten community in a lawless country,” he says.

Roberta Russo, the spokesperson for the UN refugee agency in Somalia says while the UNHCR does provide support to refugees living in Somalia, it is difficult helping refugees in the capital since there is no functioning government there. The escalation in fighting in recent months has also made most of south and central Somalia inaccessible to aid agencies. She says the UNHCR does support the local government in Puntland and Somaliland where they provide basic help for refugees. But the authorities have limited capacity for dealing with the huge number of refugees in the country.

The UNHCR say there are 1,800 refugees in Somalia and that interviews still have to be done to determine the status of the 18,000 asylum seekers. So the Zanzibaris in Mogadishu, like Mohamed Aden Suleyman, who now runs a public toilet, have had to fend for themselves. “Sometimes we are ok, and sometimes we suffer,” he says. Beyond the worry of food and money, they also face the threat of violence every time they leave their homes.

According to UNHCR figures, in the past three months, a quarter of a million Somalis have fled Mogadishu, to try to escape a city thronging with the sound of gunfire, mortar, bullets, bombs, shells and shrapnel. “While we are not particularly targeted, we are still affected by the fighting just as ordinary Somalis are,” says Mr Khadib. “Two of us were caught in the cross fire and injured. One lost his leg after being hit by a shell and the other is ok now.”

Mr Sa’id says they are afraid to go out because of the violence. “But no-one can live without food. So we have to go out and if fighting breaks out, we take cover with Somalis and go home once the fighting is over,” he says.

Integrating with Somalis

While daily violence makes life difficult, when it comes to integrating, the Zanzibaris say they have never felt discriminated against. They say the residents of Mogadishu treat them well. Thirteen of the Zanzibaris are married to Somali women and have children. Mr Khadib’s wife is 27-year-old Ilmiyo Osman. Standing in front of her home she says she is happy that she married a Zanzibari man. “The only problem is that we do not always have enough to eat. But everything about our cultural differences is ok and we understand each other,” she says.

Life in Mogadishu is clearly difficult, but when asked about returning to Zanzibar, Mr Khadib says he thinks nothing has changed. “The same problem that I ran away from is still there,” he says. “We came to Somalia because the police were torturing and killing some of our people and sending others to jail. This was because we supported the opposition party, the Civic United Front.”

So while the bullets continue to fly in Mogadishu, these Zanzibari refugees will not be leaving their mini haven in one of the world’s most terrifying cities any time soon.

Source: BBC News

ZIRPP’s new Office

19 10 2009

I have the great pleasure to inform our distinguished members that, after a long search, we have finally found a suitable building for an office space at Vuga behind Majestic Cinema. The building belongs to Mazrui Construction Company Ltd. We have signed a Lease Agreement for an office space in the morning of 28 September 2009 at the Landlord’s office located at Mtoni with effect from the 1st of November 2009. The office space in question used to be occupied by UNICEF before they moved to the ZSTC Building at Gulioni. ZIRPP will, therefore, move to its new formal office on the 1st of November 2009. You are all warmly welcomed.

Muhammad Yussuf
Interim Executive Director
Zanzibar Institute for Research and Public Policy
P.O. Box 416
Tel: 0777 707820 Cellular
Tel: 0242 233526 Office